"Through other tests, Malchow had found that many political messages were most effective when delivered in understated white typed envelopes, as opposed to multicolor glossy mailers, and so he packaged the Colorado social-pressure letters in a way he hoped would resemble an urgent notice from the taxman. “People want information, they don’t want advertising,” Malchow said. “When they see our fingerprints on this stuff, they believe it less.”"

— “The Victory Lab: The Secret Science of Winning Campaigns”, Sasha Issenberg

"Cialdini had found repeatedly that what he described as injunctive norms (“you should not litter”) were far less effective at changing behavior than descriptive norms (“few people litter”)."

— “The Victory Lab: The Secret Science of Winning Campaigns”, Sasha Issenberg

"When a pollster asked if someone would be more or less likely to vote for a candidate in favor of shipping jobs overseas—a typical way of auditioning what was then a promising line of attack against Bush—they would often hear from voters across the board that it made them “less likely.” But when the AFL sent out a draft leaflet about Bush’s free-trade policies, it turned out to have little impact on the autoworkers who received it. The knowledge of factory job loss was “baked in” to their impressions of Bush, as Podhorzer liked to put it: the workers already knew what the union wanted them to think about Republican trade policy. They liked or disliked Bush regardless. But other groups, like construction workers and Republicans, did not know as much. A piece of mail that gave them information turned out to be persuasive in changing their attitudes toward Bush."

— “The Victory Lab: The Secret Science of Winning Campaigns”, Sasha Issenberg 

"For its art, the National Party – fighting its first state election under a new name – approached the election with patriotic fervour. So much so that in the campaign the party put “freedom bonds” up for sale at $10 to $100, making them, intentionally, like war bonds. The party justified this by saying the ALP posed as great a threat to Australia’s freedom as the Japanese had in World War II. “The difference is that the ALP is making an invasion from within,” a spokesman said."

— “Joh: The Life and Political Adventures of Johannes Bjelke-Petersen”, Hugh Lunn

"The big surprise (in 1974) was the defeat of Brisbane’s popular Lord Mayor, Alderman Clem Jones – or was it such a surprise, considering the advertising campaign mounted by his Liberal opponent, Don Cameron. He ran a series of television commercials in which he moved around in front of a big pile of roofing tiles warning people of inflation: “The ALP will cut your pay packet in half…” he shouted and jumped forward, smashing through the centre of the tiles with a mighty karate chop. The fact that he hurt his hand should be recorded."

—  “Joh: The Life and Political Adventures of Johannes Bjelke-Petersen”, Hugh Lunn

"

Bjelke-Petersen hired an outside public relations expert to help him get rid of the arch-wowser image and in December 1968 a picture of him patting a horse at Brisbane’s Doomben Racecourse appeared in the Sunday Mail. The racehorse, Kionda, unfortunately lost the first race on a protest.

(This moved his future public relations man, Allen Callaghan, then a journalist, to pin the picture on the ABC noticeboard where he worked with the notation: “A new entry into the political stakes. Expediency, by Necessity, out of Politics. His previous entry, ‘Principles’, badly scratch at the barrier”. Callaghan did not think this sort of approach would help Bjelke-Petersen’s image.)

"

— “Joh: The Life and Political Adventures of Johannes Bjelke-Petersen”, Hugh Lunn

"(Long) would scrawl a circular out on several sheets of tablet paper and hand it to a secretary to be typed. He told one secretary his concept of effective political language. “Always write everything so a six-year-old child can understand it,” he said."

— “Huey Long”, T. Harry Williams

"Those who apply the label of demagogue to Huey or to other politicians hardly ever trouble to invest the term with any precise definition. It was coined by the ancient Greeks, who were sorely afflicted by rabble rousing orators and who described them scornfully. The demagogue, said Euripides, was ‘base-born’, ‘a man of loose tongue, intemperate, trusting to tumult, leading the populace to mischief with empty words.’ For the Greeks, the term had actuality. In a small city-state like Athens a fiery speaker could easily whip a street-corner into a frenzy with his words, could with the crowd at his back perhaps force the portals of power. Obviously such a scene could not occur in a much larger context, especially ina country as extensive and varied as the United States. But although the original concept of the demagogue has little validity for the American scene, the term has survived and is one of the most frequently used words in the national political vocabulary. It is usually applied in a special and subjective context: a demagogue is someone who arouses the people against the established order, and in this sense it has been applied to many American leaders."

— “Huey Long”, T. Harry Williams

"(Long) selected the quality of the paper on which the circulars (advertising material) were printed. Mindful of the sanitary practices of his rural constituents, he instructed David: “Don’t use any of that damn smooth stuff. Use some that they can use on their backsides after they get through reading it.”"

— “Huey Long”, T. Harry Williams

"The principal theme of Huey’s attacks was that his two opponents and everybody opposed to him were in reality working together, that the whole crowd was controlled by the same corporate interests. Fuqua and Bouanchaud had both been put into the race by Parker – they were the “Parker Gold Dust Twins.” Behrmann and Sullivan, supposed enemies, were both henchmen of Wall Street: “If Behrmann took a dose of laudanum Sullivan would get sleepy in ten minutes.”"

—  “Huey Long”, T. Harry Williams

"(Long) also won many votes by promising that if elected he would force the railroads to extend their services or their lines. It was a pledge of this kind that enabled him to sweep the vote of a hamlet known as Shooter’s Station. Its people had a burning grievance – a train called the Cannonball did not stop there on its way to larger towns. When Huey spoke at Shooter’s, he timed his remarks so that they would be interrupted by the Cannonball, roaring through town with a great whistle. When the noise subsided, he looked up with an expression of surprise and said: “Folks, do you mean to tell me that the Cannonball don’t stop at Shooter’s Station? Well, you elect me and that’ll be changed.”"

—  “Huey Long”, T. Harry Williams

"Huey’s use of an automobile violated one of the most respected rules of Louisiana politicians: Never campaign in a car among country people; they will resent it as a pretence of superiority and vote against you. Huey knew that the rule existed only in the politicians minds. From his observation of Vardaman and Jeff Davis during his days as a travelling salesman, he had learned that the masses were more likely to follow one of their own if that man showed that in some ways he was better than they. “That young Long fellow, now, he’s a smart one, he drives a car.”"

— “Huey Long”, T. Harry Williams

"

The story seems too good to be true – but people who should know swear that it is true. The first time that Huey P. Long campaigned in rural, Latin, Catholic south Louisiana, the local boss who had him in charge said at the beginning of the tour: “Huey, you ought to remember one thing in your speeches today. You’re from north Louisiana, but now you’re in south Louisiana. And we got a lot of Catholic voters down here.”

“I Know,” Huey answered. And throughout the day in every small town Long would begin by saying: “When I was a boy, I would get up at six o’clock in the morning on Sunday, and I would hitch our old horse up to the buggy and I would take my Catholic grandparents to mass. I would bring them home, and at ten o’clock I would hitch the old horse up again and I would take my Baptist grandparents to church.” The effect of the anecdote on audiences was obvious, and on the way back to Baton Rouge that night the local leader said admiringly: “Why, Huey, you’ve been holding out on us. I didn’t know you had any Catholic Grandparents.”

“Don’t be a damn fool,” replied Huey. “We didn’t even have a horse.”

"

—  “Huey Long”, T. Harry Williams

"Yet guardians of the old order could honestly say that in their elitism, in their insistence that an “enlightened” vanguard should rule on behalf of the ignorant masses, they were in fact embracing an essential feature of Atatürk’s ideology. He had, after all, given his political party the slogan “For the People, In Spite of the People.” Popular opinion meant nothing to him, and for generations his successors scorned it as well."

— “Crescent and Star: Turkey Between Two Worlds”, Stephen Kinzer

"Willie went out and buttonholed folks on the street and tried to explain things to them. You could see Willie standing on a street corner, sweating through his seersucker suit, with his hair down in his eyes, holding an old envelope in one hand and a pencil in the other, working out figures to explain what he was squawking about, but folks don’t listen to you when your voice is low and patient and you stop them in the hot sun and make them do arithmetic."

— "All the King’s Men", Robert Penn Warren